https://youtu.be/IEswTsc4IXU  

Mr. Mladenov, thank you very much for your briefing.

I've listened to my colleagues statements this afternoon with great interest. I have always been open about my belief that this Middle East debate has been excessively and unfairly focused on Israel. Today, I will go one step further. The Palestinian-Israeli conflict is serious and worthy of this Council's attention. But if there is one country that is the source of conflict and instability in the Middle East - one country that merits a quarterly debate in the Security Council - that country is not Israel. It's Iran.

For almost 40 years, the Iranian regime has existed outside the community of law-abiding nations. It is difficult to name a conflict in the Middle East that does not have Iran's fingerprints on it.

The US at this juncture has significant leverage over Baghdad.

By: Irina Tsukerman

 October 8, 2017

New Yourk,

Staying out of the issue and refusing to back Kurds in times of need will not win US friends or allies in the Middle East, a region that values strength, loyalty, and strategic consistence over quibbling, appeasement, and insecurity. 

President Trump can exercise that leverage effectively by having the airport ban lifted, not with loud proclamations that can only create indignation with the Iraqi government, but with nuanced behind the scenes diplomacy.

The ban is not going to change anyone's mind about independence, only gets people more intent to move forward as soon as possible unilaterally and with no negotiations.

At the same time, it's causing damage to Kurdish economy, creates undue suffering for civilians, and causing problems for US investors working on oil projects in the region.

The US has invested untold amount of money into Iraqi government - just so they could repay us by creating a de facto blockade against our allies, and preventing us from getting in and out?

It serves no legitimate purpose and actually causes the US to look weak - weaker than the Iraqi government, and unable to defend our own interests.

Weighing in on this issue will allow the US to retain credibility with the Kurds while also pushing both sides towards a negotiated solution to the current face-off.

Second, the US should play a role in negotiations over Kirkuk and oil, which are central to any successful bilateral discussion.

Dr. Azad Moradian :

Establishing a Kurdish State Will Shake the Balance in the Region!

The Kurdistan Voice

12 July 2017

An Interview with Dr. Azad Moradian, on the Kurdistan independence referendum

Dr. Moradian: An independent Kurdish state, regardless of size, is a direct threat to Iranian political hegemony and the regional power of the Middle East.

Essentially, the long-term strategic goal of Iran is to create a Shiite block, or as they call it, a Shiite Crescent and claim the territorial and ideological leadership of the Shiite world.

The removal of Saddam Hussein created the space for the Iranian regime to further spread their influence in the region.

In Lebanon and in part of Yemen, Iran has already been able to establish their dominance and have widespread Shiite support. All of Iranian's efforts in Syria are towards this same end.

While Iran has been involved in Syria since the beginning of the conflict, they became physically engaged in 2014 to preserve the power of an Alawite Shiite regime. The territorial integrity of Iraq and Syria and the preservation of the ruling powers in these countries is of paramount importance to Iran. Therefore, anything that threatens this plan is something Iran will vehemently oppose. Kurds are situated, physically and politically, in direct opposition to this plan. Kurds are also positioned to oppose Recep Tayyip Erdoğan's ambitions to reestablish an Ottoman Sunni Crescent (please see Question 3 for more on this topic).

Establishing a Kurdish state will shake the balance in the region, as it does not reinforce the larger geopolitical visions of Iran and/or Turkey.
Furthermore, while the situations of Kurds in Iran, Iraq, Syria, and Turkey are different, there is cross-border influence and exchange. The formation of a Kurdish state in any one of these regions can catalyze Kurds in other regions.

ئێرانيش ڕیفراندۆمێكی ئازادی پێویستە

سالار حیسامی

٢٧ ى مانگى ئه يار ٢٠١٧

هه ولير- كوردستان

گەلانی ڕاپەڕیوی ئێران كە سەرخۆشیی ڕماندنی دەسەڵاتی پاشایەتیی پەهلەوی-یەكان لە ڕێبەندانی 1357ی هەتاوی سڕی كردبوون، لە ریفراندۆمیكدا كە لە رۆژانی 10 و 11 خاكەلێوەی 1358 جێبەجێ كرا و  زياتر لە (20 مليۆن و 288 هەزار كەسی خاوەن دەنگ) تێیدا بەشداربوون، (2و98%)ی دەنگدەران بە (بەڵێ) دەنگیان بە (كۆماری ئیسلامی) دا.

ئەو رێژە بێ هاوتایە لە بەشداریی دەنگدەران كە رۆژی ١٢ی خاكەلێوەی كردە "روز جمهوری اسلامی ایران"، مەشرووعییەتێكی شكۆداری بە ئایەتوڵا ڕوحوڵا خومەینی بونیادنەری يەكەم دەوڵەتی كۆماريی (لە دوای دەسەڵاتێكی 2537 ساڵەی پاشایەتی) بەخشی، ئەویش كۆمەڵێ لە كەسانی ناسیاسی، بێ ئەزموون، بێفرشك و توندڕۆی لە خۆی كۆكردبووەوە، بۆیە حوكمڕانییەكەی چەند مانگی پڕ نەكردەوە، ئەو شكۆیە نەك هەر خەوشدار بوو، بگرە بەتەواوی كەوتە ژێر جڕومەنگەنەی پرسیارەوەو بە حوكمی جیهاد لە دژی كوردانی ڕۆژهەڵاتی كوردستان شكۆیەكە بووە بڵقی سەرئاو! هاوتەمەنەكانی ئێمە باشیان لە بیرە دوای نەمانی بەرگریی خەڵكی و دووركەوتنەوەی هێزەكانی پێشمەرگە لە شارەكان، سادق خلخاڵی (دادوەری بێ دادگە) چۆن بەربووە گیانی خەڵك و بە فەرمانی ئەو تاوانبارە، هەزاران گەنج و كەسایەتی لە لادێ و شارەكان، یان قەنارەیان بۆ هەڵخرا، یان بە ڕێژنەی گوللە هەناسەبڕیان كردن.

تا ئێرە مەبەست لەم نووسینە وەبیرهێنانەوەی ئەو گشتپرسییە بوو، كە دوای نزیكەی چوار دەیە، تا ئێستاش دەسەڵاتدارانی تاران خۆیانی پێ گیڤ دەكەنەوەو هەموو ساڵێك ئەو ریفراندۆمە بە چاوی خەڵكی وەزاڵەهاتووی بندەستیان و ڕای گشتی جیهانیدا دەدەنەوە، بۆ ئەوەی  مەشرووعییەتی دەسەڵاتی مەزهەبگەرای خۆیانی پێ بسەپێننەوە، هەتا دۆلارە نەوتییەكان بۆ بەرفراوانكردنی هیلالی شیعە و شەڕی بەوەكالەت تەرخان بكرێ و ئەوەندەی دی گەلانی ستەملێكراوی ژێر دەسەڵاتیان بەلەنگاز و بێنەوا و داماو بكەن!